Continuing their three-night New Year’s Eve run in Denver, Colorado, Umphrey’s McGee returned to The Fillmore Auditorium on Saturday night for their second show of the weekend. During the performance, the group treated fans to a special collaboration with saxophonist Jeff Coffin and two debuts—one Umphrey’s original, “Half Delayed”, and a cover of Joe Jackson’s “Steppin’ Out”.Watch Umphrey’s McGee show-opening “Miss Tinkle’s Overture”The live debut of “Half Delayed” came during the end of the band’s first set, ahead of the set-closing number “Speak Up”. The song is a new tune of the band’s upcoming album it’s not us. Following the first live test run of “Half Delayed”, the band invited guest saxophonist Jeff Coffin out for “Speak Up”.The debut of Joe Jackson’s “Steppin’ Out” fell during the second set following the expert combination of “The Triple Wide” into “Upward” and ahead of a smooth transition into “40’s Theme”. The night also saw teases of “Auld Lang Syne” throughout the second set’s final song, “Dump City”. In honor of the opening act, Colorado’s own Eminence Ensemble, Umphrey’s encore included a rendition of The Who’s “Eminence Front” ahead of the final song of the night, “JaJunk”.“Eminence Front” Setlist: Umphrey’s McGee | The Fillmore Auditorium | Denver, CO | 12/30/2017Set One: Miss Tinkle’s Overture, Booth Love > Kimble, Rocker Part 2 , Day Nurse  > August, Half Delayed , Speak Up Set Two: Hurt Bird Bath, The Triple Wide > Upward, Steppin’ Out  > 40’s Theme, Dump City Encore: Eminence Front > JaJunk Notes:  with Gents teases |  with Workin’ Day and Night (Michael Jackson) teases |  debut, original |  with Jeff Coffin on saxophone |  debut, Joe Jackson |  with Auld Lang Syne (Burns) teases |  completing the 12.30.2017 version[Photo: Tara Gracer Design & Photography]
Daniel Ziblatt, a Harvard professor of government, recently visited the Minda de Gunzburg for Center for European Studies to discuss his new book, “Conservative Parties and the Birth of Democracy.” During a Q&A session earlier, he discussed the issues of governance and stability that he examines in it.GAZETTE: Why did you decide to write a book on the history of democracy?ZIBLATT: When I began working on this book, I was struck by a deep historical question that also resonates with our times. If you looked back at Europe in the middle of the 19th century, many of the factors that we today know make creating and sustaining democracy such a truly difficult process — economic inequality, stratification, repressive states — were actually present there as well. Nearly all countries, from Britain to Germany to Southern Europe, were highly stratified societies governed by deeply hierarchical and repressive states, all ruled by restricted suffrage. So I found the paradox gripping of how these unlikely countries ultimately became models of stable democracy by the mid-20th century. I was motivated to understand the sources of this transformation and to offer a new way to think about democracy’s future. All of this, I should add, has become even more pressing, as all of us look around us and worry about the unsettled state of democracy today.GAZETTE: And what is different about your approach?ZIBLATT: I focus on a different problem than has traditionally been the subject of study when people study democratization. I discovered a largely untold and fascinating story of how Europe’s pre-democratic insiders, conservative political parties representing old-regime elites, remade themselves and shaped how democracy emerged. This is a different way of thinking about the problem. Historians, sociologists, and political scientists, with good reason, have tended to focus on the important and often liberating role of working-class movements and liberal middle-class groups pushing for democratization. As important as these groups are, I depart from these approaches in a significant way. I studied the papers of leading conservative statesmen in Germany, Britain, and other countries, as well as lesser-known operatives of conservative parties and groups across Europe because I wanted to know how the opponents of democracy coped with and shaped its rise.GAZETTE: What did you find in your research?ZIBLATT: I found something very surprising. In the world of party conservatism in 19th century Europe, a subtle but momentous rupture occurred in some countries but not in others. Conservatives, representing the old regime, aristocrats, and other elite groups opposed to democracy in principle, suddenly realized the power of political parties and discovered the importance of pragmatic political action. Political parties were an invention that transformed the world. One observer at the time compared the discovery of the power of parties to the Spartan discovery of the power of infantry in warfare. When conservatives, in a range of countries including Britain, Belgium, and in Scandinavia, realized the power of political parties and built them up, democracy itself ultimately became safer for them and more enduring. In countries, where this conservative innovation didn’t happen (Germany and much of southern Europe), democracy was much more unhinged and fragile.GAZETTE: Why do you think conservative parties are so important to the history of democracy?ZIBLATT: This is where things get really interesting. The biggest barrier to creating sustainable democracy in the past, and today as well, is the fear of autocratic elites to democracy; they feel their wealth, status, and power is threatened by democracy. One figure I studied closely was Lord Salisbury, a longtime 19th-century Conservative Party prime minister in Britain, a member of the wealthy, landed elite, and a powerful man. I studied his papers held in a basement archive in his family’s huge home outside of London. I was amazed to see in the 1860s how fearful he was of democracy. He thought suffrage reform to expand voting rights to the working class would ruin him and his peers. By the 1880s, the reactionary Lord Salisbury had experienced a subtle conversion. He still was in principle no big fan of democracy but he was working closely now with party operatives for the Conservative Party, kind of proto-political scientists who studied demographic data, who could try to win elections for Salisbury’s party. Also, his party built up a mass mobilizing organization. The machinery of party organization converted a dogmatic opponent into a reluctant democrat.GAZETTE: But conservatives presumably have not always come to democracy so easily?ZIBLATT: Yes, that is correct, and this is the big contrast in European history. There was a whole group of countries where this rupture did not happen. One example I studied closely involved the repeated efforts of German conservatives to build political party structures. In the late 1890s, these efforts simply had failed. The right was fractured. The right-wing grassroots movement was controlled by interest groups and not political parties. Without political parties available for the right, the organizational firewalls that come with political parties were absent, and much more dangerous radical right forces began to assert themselves into politics. In my book I have two chapters describing the rise and fall of Weimar Germany, analyzing the history of this tragic moment in European history, showing that it was in part the fragility of the German Tory tradition that opened the door for radical right forces and ultimately the rise of Adolf Hitler’s Nazi Party. In an ironic way, the fractured nature of German conservatism was the Achilles’ heel of Weimar Germany’s experiment with democracyGAZETTE: It sounds like your argument has some specific implications for the state of democracy today.ZIBLATT: Indeed, this is correct. While my book is entirely historical, readers have told me that it is a parable for today’s crises of democracy. When one compares German and British conservatism in the past and thinks about how these societies developed, one gradually comes away with the conclusion that democracy may in fact require a robust conservatism that has already made its peace with democracy. Whatever one’s ideological orientation, a precondition of democratic stability may be a strong, constitutionally minded electoral right. The absence of a strong constitutional conservative party may not mean simply an enduring liberal or social democratic triumph into the future. Without a strong constitutional right, the door is opened for much more dangerous right-wing forces, which may not even accept the basic norms of democracy. Also, without a robust conservative party of the right, reactionary forces historically have looked to gain power through extra-constitutional means — military coups and counterrevolutions. All societal groups deserve the right to legitimate participation in politics. Without it, the result is a fragile democracy.GAZETTE: Are you worried about the state of democracy in the world today?ZIBLATT: Yes, very much. The presence of a form of right-wing populism in Europe and United States that barely accepts the basic norms of democracy is worrying. What to do about it is the question. Many have talked about the role of globalization in triggering this. I tend to think we should also think about the responsibilities of existing political parties in distancing themselves from these forces, not being tempted to collaborate. How mainstream parties can do this while maintaining electoral support is the trick, but it is what political parties should be expert at. In any case, the tragic lessons of European history make clear that there are moments when basic norms of democracy are violated within a democracy, and responsible statesmen, not only on the left, but also on the right. must have the political courage to confront this challenge, and not abdicate their responsibilities. European history is filled of cases where this lesson was not yet learned, with tragic consequences.
Share:Click to share on Facebook (Opens in new window)Click to share on Twitter (Opens in new window)Click to email this to a friend (Opens in new window) Stock Image.WASHINGTON – The House of Representatives voted Thursday to approve a roughly $480 billion package to deliver aid to small businesses and hospitals and expand Covid-19 testing, the latest attempt by lawmakers to blunt the devastating impact of the pandemic.The vote was 388-5. The measure passed the Senate earlier this week and will now go to President Donald Trump, who has expressed support for the legislation and indicated that he will sign it.The total price tag of the bill is approximately $484 billion. It will add to the already historic levels of spending to deal with the pandemic by authorizing an additional $310 billion for the Paycheck Protection Program, which was set up to help small businesses struggling from the economic deep freeze triggered by coronavirus. Funding for the program ran dry earlier this month, prompting an outcry from the business community.In addition, the legislation provides $75 billion for hospitals and health care providers to address coronavirus expenses and lost revenue and $25 billion to facilitate and expand Covid-19 testing. The increased funding for testing comes at a time when there is widespread recognition that testing capacity must increase and improve as states consider when to reopen businesses and lift stay-at-home orders. The legislation, though referred to as an “interim” measure by lawmakers, amounts to the latest historic effort by Washington to prop up the economy on the heels of a more than $2 trillion rescue package along with other relief measures already approved by Congress.
FacebookTwitterLinkedInEmailPrint分享Recharge:Green hydrogen could as soon as 2023 be competitive with grey H2 made using fossil fuels thanks to US wind power that’s as cheap as $5/MWh, said finance giant Morgan Stanley.Steep falls in clean generation costs mean at $1.53/kg, hydrogen produced via electrolysis sited at “best in class” US renewable projects is already competitive with so-called blue H2, made using abated gas, said Morgan Stanley in a note to clients.By 2023/24 continued falls in onshore wind costs that are already often as low as $20/MWh – and, crucially, a further extension to key renewable energy tax credits – could drive LCOE in regions such as Texas and the Midwest as low as $5-7/MWh, Morgan Stanley’s analysts reckon.That would make green hydrogen from wind competitive with new grey production “much sooner than appreciated” at about $1/kg, said the note, adding that the price of renewable H2 is “highly sensitive” to generation cost falls, with a $2/MWh reduction driving it down by $0.10/kg.The US offers one of the biggest potential markets for green hydrogen to act as a key driver of the energy transition by displacing fossil fuels, Morgan Stanley said. As elsewhere in the world, grey hydrogen produced via unabated fossils currently dominates the US market with a price of about $0.30/kg that excludes the capital cost needed to bring new capacity online.The Morgan Stanley analysts admit the dramatic fall depends on ongoing reductions in the costs of electrolyser technology, and subsidies to support green H2 electrolysis, as well as an extension of the wind power production tax credit to 2024, but said they see both “as highly possible”.[Andrew Lee]More: Green hydrogen could match grey by 2023 thanks to $5/MWh wind power: Morgan Stanley Morgan Stanley: Green hydrogen could be economically competitive by 2023
March 15, 2003 Regular News Panel told closing CCRCs would cause delays Doing away with three state-funded offices that handle collateral death penalty appeals would have several unintended consequences, including almost certain delays in most cases and likely higher than anticipated costs.That was the consensus of the heads of Florida’s three capital collateral regional counsel offices who testified before the legislature’s Commission on Capital Cases February 20. They, along with some members of the Commission, sounded a warning about Gov. Jeb Bush’s proposal to close CCRC offices and have all collateral appeals handled by private attorneys. Bush’s office contends the state could save $3.8 million in a tight budget year by turning over all cases to the state’s registry of private attorneys, who now handle conflict and overload cases for the CCRCs.A new member of the commission, Rep. Dan Gelber, D-Miami Beach, said: “It’s obvious there’s going to be a meltdown. I think the meltdown is going to result in longer delays that keep people languishing in the system.”Commission member Sen. Skip Campbell, D-Tamarac, noted that the commission did not have a quorum, and therefore could not take any action. But, he agreed, “It’s clear there are problems that need to be addressed by the substantive committees of the legislature.”CCRC-North Michael Reiter, CCRC-South Neal Dupree and CCRC-Middle Bill Jennings cited what they saw as several problems with the governor’s proposal:• While using the registry attorneys has generally worked well, one reason is the private attorneys can call the CCRCs for advice and help in the highly specialized area of death appeals. Without the CCRCs to help, the registry attorneys might take longer and provide less effective assistance.• The proposal assumes that many, if not most, of the current CCRCs’ caseload will be taken by CCRC attorneys going into private practice. But the CCRCs testified that most of the attorneys who are qualified to handle cases on their own will go into other government service because they can’t afford to take a case from the registry.• There will be inevitable delays as CCRC counsel withdraw from cases and private counsel are appointed and must become acquainted with the hundreds of thousands of pages of documents and records in the typical case. Supreme Court Clerk Tom Hall said there are usually 75 cases pending at the court, and most of those not on direct appeal would have to be returned to circuit courts for assigning new counsel, who then would have to review the case before the appeals continued. Overall, capital cases take about 8 percent of the court system’s time and resources, and 50 to 60 percent of the time of Supreme Court justices.• The maximum allowed state reimbursement of $84,000 plus another $30,000 for investigations, witnesses, and other costs, might be inadequate in some cases. The CCRCs noted a few cases have more than 100 boxes of records, and one has around 180 boxes. At $100 an hour, it would take more than the $84,000 maximum just to review those cases. Attorney Mark Olive challenged the limits in a case decided last year by the Supreme Court. The court upheld the limit, but said judges in extraordinary cases could approve higher compensation. The legislature responded by passing a law ordering commission Executive Director Roger Maas to remove from the registry any attorney who sought to exceed the statutory limit. That led Olive to recently file another lawsuit challenging that law. That suit is still pending. Maas said the suit and law have serious implications for the registry. On one hand, the suit, if successful, could make the projected savings disappear. But if it is unsuccessful and attorneys petition the courts to exceed the caps, Maas said he could wind up removing attorneys from the registry list at a time as many as possible are needed to replace the CCRCs.• There aren’t enough registry attorneys qualified to handled the collateral appeals when they go to federal court. Maas said of the 133 lawyers signed up for the registry, only 15 or 20 “are willing or able to go to federal court.” That means most cases will stop after state appeals, and the state-approved $2,500 fee for filing the appeal isn’t enough to get another lawyer — who would have to review all the case material — to take over for the federal reviews, he said.• There will be delays in dozens of upcoming hearings in the courts at all levels of the state and federal judiciary as CCRC lawyers withdraw from cases and are replaced by registry attorneys, who will need months to become familiar with the cases. The delays will be particularly acute for appeals in federal courts because of the lack of registry attorneys there.Campbell asked Maas whether anyone had studied the costs of restarting the CCRCs, if it was found the registry attorneys couldn’t handle the cases. Maas replied that no such review had been conducted, but that the offices would undoubtedly lose their equipment, including expensive high-speed scanners purchased to help speed up review of cases.“It would be millions, obviously,” Maas said. Panel told closing CCRCs would cause delays
37SHARESShareShareSharePrintMailGooglePinterestDiggRedditStumbleuponDeliciousBufferTumblr At Kasasa (formerly BancVue), we have a pretty employee-centric office. There’s a big snack bar, stocked fridge, pool table, foosball, massage chair, video games and no real dress code. Sometimes people visiting will see this and say, “Man, it looks like you guys have a great culture.” When I hear that, I always have to suppress giving that person a lecture about what culture really is. None of that stuff has anything to do with real culture!The idea of “corporate culture” has been mixed with the notion of “employee perks.” They are in no way synonyms. Perks are awesome ways to attract, retain, and reward employees. You can have all the company-funded lunches, parties, and fun breakroom toys you want and still not have a real, effective culture. Conversely, you can be so budget-strapped that your employees have to bring their own coffee to work and still have a powerful culture that drives your business.So what exactly is culture and why is it useful?Culture governs the way your employees will handle millions of critical human interactions. Once deeply embedded in the organization, culture becomes like a conscience that tells employees which way to go when the rules don’t suggest a clear path. By having a strong culture in place, your employees will know intuitively what the right response is without having to look it up in the employee manual. continue reading »
12SHARESShareShareSharePrintMailGooglePinterestDiggRedditStumbleuponDeliciousBufferTumblr,Richard Miller Richard joined JMFA after a 23-year career in banking, providing JMFA and our clients with a broad base of management experience in community banking, from chief lending officer to president … Web: www.jmfa.com Details If the signs of spring are signaling you to change, update and grow within your career or community, those same tenets can also bring new value to your organization and its clients. When many of our clients in the past have sought a refreshing and positive re-direction, they’ve succeeded by implementing a fully-disclosed overdraft protection program for their members.ChangeSince overdraft programs are relatively common, change may result more from a supplier perspective than a have vs. have-not program perspective. Ask yourself or your management team some basic questions as you evaluate or seek to improve your operational performance: In terms of revenue, are our program results sluggish, even flat or behind recent years? If so, is it due to decreased use from account holders? And, when considering changes to overall account growth, has there been a decline in fee income per account? Have we been proactive in addressing potential compliance issues? And, how are doing when it comes to interpreting rule changes correctly?Have we settled for a legacy service that was installed years ago? What types of enhancements have been made to track program use and identify areas that may need attention?Are charge-offs on the upswing? If so, is it because members aren’t educated well on how to use the program responsibly? Or, is it because staff is not effectively managing the program?Could our provider easily sell off their software, or, be at risk by not providing a broad array of services? If yes, could we be subject to changes beyond our control or not be receiving proper support?If you find yourself saying yes to any of the above, perhaps it’s time to consider making a change to your current program—or, better yet a new provider.UpdateImplementing changes that bring a fully-disclosed overdraft protection service current is especially beneficial in a climate of political change that can potentially impact regulations. Many organizations have self-managed their programs for years without incident. However, even the most dogged followers can be challenged to maintain compliance, whether changes in the recent past are repealed or repeated to any degree.Regulatory changes often impact processes and procedures, associates, training and members. Accordingly, it’s valuable to employ a program with in-field managers that can assist with both software and soft-skill solutions to improve the way you do business.Whether it’s related to providing compliance guidance and support, maximizing efficiencies or identifying ways to recover lost revenue, a fresh approach can make all the difference. And, having representatives who are responsive and can train or explain changes to your staff can ultimately help provide a seamless experience to your members. And when members feel informed, the likelihood of service utilization and retention is maintained.GrowOrganizations that have committed to providing a consumer-friendly and fully-disclosed overdraft solution often experience renewed internal energy and goal attainment. Staff can take pride in an understandable program that helps solve members’ problems, and those members benefit from a resource that helps resolve a short-term need, cash-flow interruption or checking account error. Aspirational growth is multi-dimensional and should consider:Revenue Non-interest incomeStaff and member satisfactionReg E opt-in ratesInstitutional confidence resulting from a provider’s compliance guarantee or results-driven compensationIf improvements in these areas can benefit your credit union, perhaps it’s time to find an overdraft program provider, one who is stable, innovative, active and connected in their industry, committed to client and member understanding, and has a strong legacy with a complementary service offering.After all, while overdraft protection plans are decades old, they remind us that—like a change in seasons—what is old can be new again.
Earlier this year, I read some commentary about President Trump’s promise to bring back manufacturing jobs to the U.S. The analyst’s comments were something like, “Well, that’s all fine and dandy for the next few years, but in the long term, the bots are coming.” More recently, an analyst contemplating the impact of a self-driving semi-trucks speculated that 800,000 jobs in trucking could eventually disappear as well. It’s inevitable that advances in technology will displace a tremendous number of workers and replace their jobs with a smaller number of potentially higher-paying, high-tech jobs. While there have been thousands of articles written on the subject, this is one of my favorites, even though it’s now four years old.The problem for credit unions is that our “sweet spot” in terms of membership is decidedly middle-class consumers. Does a shrinking middle class mean our future business will shrink too? Future strategies have to include a dual approach to this changing economic landscape, or we’ll be left in the dust. First, credit unions need to address the following issues, so they can best serve the displaced middle class:How can we improve the reach of our financial education initiatives? The middle class is going to need to save more money than ever: a) to be able to eventually retire and pay for future health care needs, and b) to be able to survive a prolonged period of unemployment. My dad was a welder, and when he was working, he made a great income. The problem is that he typically spent every dime of it, so his periods of unemployment, especially during a recession, were painful for the family. 9SHARESShareShareSharePrintMailGooglePinterestDiggRedditStumbleuponDeliciousBufferTumblr continue reading »
Volkswagen has defended its decision to continue operating a car plant in Xinjiang, a Chinese region mired in allegations of large-scale human rights abuses by the state.Evidence that hundreds of thousands of Uighurs and other minorities are being detained in camps, or used as forced labour in factories, has led some multinational companies to cut ties with the region, despite China’s insistence that the claims are untrue.- Advertisement – The BBC’s John Sudworth spoke to VW’s CEO Stephan Wollenstein, who said they do “not have forced labour” at their factory in Uruqmi.Read more: – Advertisement – China Muslims: Volkswagen says ‘no forced labour’ at Xinjiang plant – Advertisement –
The Industry Ministry also issued its own coronavirus guidelines that allowed factories to open amid the large-scale social restrictions, when the Quarantine Law actually stipulated a suspension of workplace activities.“There is no synergy between government ministries or agencies,” Enny said in a phone interview. “This is evident in the fact that very little of [the COVID-19 response budget] has been spent.”As the pandemic worsens, Bank Indonesia (BI) has forecast that domestic economic growth will contract by 4.8 percent year-on-year in the second quarter of 2020. The Finance Ministry expects the country to fall into recession in the third quarter of the year. Indonesia’s GDP growth fell to a 21-year low in the first quarter, at 2.97 percent year-on-year.President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo signed on Monday a presidential regulation to establish the team to optimize coordination between government ministries and agencies, said Airlangga.The team also comprises the Coordinating Minister of Maritime Affairs and Investment, the Coordinating Legal, Political and Security Affairs Minister, the Coordinating Human Development and Culture Minister, the Finance Minister and Home Minister.“The task is to oversee the national economic situation and COVID-19 developments, including the availability of test kits, vaccine and antibody production, as well as multilayered economic programs,” said Airlangga. Economic recovery “will take time”, he added.The economic recovery task force will map out sectors hit hardest by the pandemic and consult with other government ministries and regional administrations to design a program in response, said Budi, who also serves as deputy SOEs minster.Budi said on Monday the government would maintain the current national economic recovery policy, including social assistance. The government has allocated Rp 695.2 trillion (US$47.6 billion) for its COVID-19 response. The largest chunk of the budget is allocated for social safety net programs.“One of our main tasks is maintaining Indonesia’s economic growth,” said Budi. “We will maintain it by protecting jobs and people’s purchasing power.”With additional support from the team, the government is planning to step up its testing capacity to 30,000 specimens per day, according to Doni, who also serves as the head of the National Disaster Mitigation Agency (BNPB). The government is currently testing around 20,000 specimens every day.The plan to increase testing is designed to better detect infected people as regional administrations have reported that 80 percent of confirmed cases show no symptoms.“We hope this collaboration can increase collective awareness and public compliance,” said Doni. “If compliance can improve, we hope the cases will decline.”Bhima Yudhistira, an economist at Indef, said on Monday that there should be no trade-off between public health and the economy if the government could speed up the disbursement of the COVID-19 stimulus, especially the social aid.“It is somewhat nonsensical to expect people to return to grocery stores and offices when the confirmed cases are still rising,” Bhima told the Post in a phone interview. “The urgent thing to do is to strike a balance between public health and the economy by getting the pandemic under control.”Topics : The government launched on Monday a new team to tackle both the public health and economic aspects of the COVID-19 pandemic as the country’s economy restarts amid a surge in cases.The National Economic Recovery and COVID-19 Response Team will be led by Coordinating Economic Minister Airlangga Hartato as chairperson and State-Owned Enterprises (SOEs) Minister Erick Thohir as executive chairperson.“We do not want the public to misinterpret the ‘new normal’ term by returning to their activities freely without complying with [public health] protocols. At the end of the day, the economy will suffer,” Erick told a virtual press briefing. The team will come up with an outline of a plan by Tuesday and submit it by Wednesday to the team chairman. Head of the economic recovery task force Budi Gunadi Sadikin and head of the COVID-19 response task force Doni Monardo will join the team to coordinate and integrate the country’s policies on handling the pandemic from the public health and economic aspects.The establishment of the new team comes at a time when Indonesia’s confirmed COVID-19 cases surged following the government’s decision to reopen the economy. Indonesia’s confirmed COVID-19 cases surpassed the official toll in China on Saturday, reaching 88,214 on Monday, with 4,239 dead.Enny Sri Hartati, an economist at the Institute for Development of Economics and Finance (Indef), said Indonesia needed better leadership rather than a new government team. The main problem hindering the country’s COVID-19 response was miscoordination between government ministries and regional administrations, she added.When the Jakarta administration was planning to suspend intercity and interprovincial buses in late March, for example, the then acting transportation minister Luhut Pandjaitan blocked the plan.